The Conservative Climate Caucus is back with new leadership and a more forceful mission. But it’s a wide-open question whether the 80-member House group will defy their fellow Republicans on efforts to roll back clean energy priorities.
The group, currently led by Rep. Mariannette Miller Meeks (R-Iowa), was founded in 2021, with a focus on educating lawmakers on climate. The caucus acknowledges human-made climate change but also sees fossil fuels as a “major part” of reducing emissions.
Miller-Meeks now says it will take on more of an advocacy role as House leaders draft an ambitious party-line spending and tax bill.
In an interview Thursday, Miller-Meeks, who won reelection by just 798 votes, suggested she has a ways to go before she threatens to tank a GOP package should it repeal some of her top priorities like subsidies for biofuels or carbon capture, which were part of the Democrats’ 2022 climate law.
“Have I drawn a red line yet? No,” she said alongside the caucus’ vice chairs, Reps. Buddy Carter of Georgia and Jen Kiggans of Virginia.
There might not be a red line, but those leaders have clean energy projects in their district that could be endangered. Carter has relentlessly touted a $7.6 billion electric vehicle and battery plant in his Georgia district; Kiggans has been a cheerleader for an offshore wind project in Virginia that is estimated to deliver enough electricity to power 660,000 homes.
“I have seen the benefits of clean energy firsthand again in my district through investments in offshore wind,” Kiggans said at a Ways and Means hearing this week. “We must put America first by prioritizing domestic energy production and protecting our existing clean energy tax credits.”
At least initially, the group doesn’t seem inclined to come on too strong.
Miller-Meeks said she wants to cut “slush funds” and improve government efficiency and said Republicans would “have a lot of discussion” in the coming months.
“We’re going to have a lot of member meetings, and then as we start to get further along, then members will decide what are the things they are willing to support. But we all know that we have a very small majority and that we want to get something across the finish line.”
The push from the Conservative Climate Caucus and Miller-Meeks comes as Republicans are engaged in a messy fight over how to pay for their energy, tax and border reconciliation package. Possibilities include cuts to Medicaid, nutrition programs and green energy subsidies.
It also comes as President Donald Trump has made his energy policy vision clear — favoring oil and gas production or “liquid gold” at the expense of “windmills.” On the trail, he promised to abolish the climate law, and had a particular hatred for electric vehicle subsidies.
‘Don’t paint yourself in the corner’
While Trump and other Republicans have talked a big game about offloading what they like to call the “Green New Deal,” others are keenly aware of the political risks associated with axing tax breaks that have benefited Republican-led districts and states. Eliminating EV credits might be a low lift, but others cuts could prove more difficult.
Over the summer, Miller-Meeks was among 18 House members urging Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) to scrutinize the long list of incentives — everything from clean energy manufacturing to carbon capture and hydrogen — before scrapping them in the reconciliation process.
Johnson himself has a handful of projects to reduce carbon emissions in his district. And he’s personally lobbied EPA for climate law funding for a community in his district.
“We wanted to implant this idea that maybe you need to have a conversation with members before members drew red lines when you are trying to put something across in legislation,” Miller-Meeks said, referring to Johnson. Of the 18 members signing the letter, 14 remain in Congress.
When asked, she said she hasn’t yet sat down with the speaker to discuss the matter in detail. Instead, she’s beginning to speak up during committee: At the House Ways and Means hearing Wednesday, she mentioned subsidies for biofuels and carbon capture are “already driving transformative investments across the energy sector.” Many are preexisting and bipartisan, she said.
Similarly, Carter, who’s been an outspoken proponent of the $7.6 billion electric vehicle and battery plant in his district, did not have a hard position.
“Leadership and the speaker made clear: Don’t paint yourself in the corner,” he said. “We’re still at the stage of throwing mud against the wall to see what sticks. We know we’re going to get a lot of pushback, and we are well aware that midterms are in two years. We’re not doing it for political purposes, but we want to make sure we’re going to get these through.”
Founded in 2021 by now-Sen. John Curtis (R-Utah), the Conservative Climate Caucus set out to educate the Republican conference about climate change and explore conservative free market solutions.
Despite the intriguing mission of the group, it has faced plenty of critics on both the left and right.
On the left, there are those who argue it does little more than give political cover to vulnerable Republicans in swing districts. On the right, advocates have argued that its members would make energy prices more costly.
Despite the naysayers, Curtis said in a recent interview he thought he had success “changing the worldwide narrative about fossil fuels and Republicans’ role in this.”
‘Our voices are going to need to be loud’
Last year, Curtis introduced the “Providing Reliable, Objective, Verifiable Emissions Intensity and Transparency (PROVE IT) Act,” a bill that would study the carbon emissions associated with nearly two dozen industrial exports. The idea is to show U.S. trade as being more climate friendly. While several Republicans warmed to the idea of the legislation, Miller-Meeks was not one of them.
Oil refiners had targeted House members who were considering supporting the legislation. Curtis plans to charge ahead with the bipartisan bill in the Senate.
For Miller-Meeks, who focused Thursday on tax credits, the upcoming Republican policy retreat in Miami will be a good place for members to hash out any differences over reconciliation offsets.
They may have their work cut out for them. Extending corporate and individual tax cuts and spending on border security remain top priorities for Republicans.
“We’ve been gearing up” even before the election, Kiggans said. “Our conference is interesting — a lot of voices, so things like the budget, these are hard to pass. So I don’t think this will be easy.”
But she has reason to think Republicans in Congress and the administration might not be so firm in their beliefs that scorn renewables.
She expressed relief that Trump officials let her know they wouldn’t meddle with a massive offshore Dominion wind project in her district that’s well underway. Trump signed an executive order Monday blocking all leasing and permitting for wind energy on federal lands and waters.
“We’ve had confirmation — and again, it’s Day Three — so we’re still trying to establish our lines of communication but have had some positive reassurance … making sure that project specifically is protected.”
She continued: “That’s just one example. Our voices are going to need to be loud in this space.”
